Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction -- 2. Gender, orientalism, and global politics -- 3. Gender, race, 'self', and 'other' in histories of international intervention -- 4. Constructing the US 'self' in 'War on Terror' discourse -- 5. Gendered orientalist narratives : Afghanistan -- 6. Gendered orientalist narratives : Iraq -- 7. Conclusions.

This book offers an accessible and timely analysis of the 'War on Terror', based on an innovative approach to a broad range of theoretical and empirical research. It uses 'gendered orientalism' as a lens through which to read the relationship between the George W. Bush administration, gendered and racialized military intervention, and global politics. Khalid argues that legitimacy, power, and authority in global politics, and the 'War on Terror' specifically, are discursively constructed through representations that are gendered and racialized, and often orientalist. Looking at the ways in which 'official' US 'War on Terror' discourse enabled military intervention into Afghanistan and Iraq, the book takes a postcolonial feminist approach to broaden the scope of critical analyses of the 'War on Terror' and reflect on the gendered and racial underpinnings of key relations of power within contemporary global politics. This book is a unique, innovative and significant analysis of the operation of race, orientalism, and gender in global politics, and the 'War on Terror' specifically.

Abstract
How should teachers of international relations in settler-colonial states engage with First Nations' sovereignty claims? While a growing body of recent scholarship explores how teaching might acknowledge and move beyond the discipline's racist and colonial origins, less research investigates how pedagogy might rectify inattention to Indigenous sovereignty. This paper reports on a class activity that sought to highlight how the discipline's foundational assumptions can naturalize Indigenous dispossession. In the class, students were asked to conduct discourse analysis of debates surrounding the "Uluru Statement from the Heart," and to consider practices of Indigenous transnationalism. Although students generally succeeded in identifying how discursive practices consolidate the authority of the settler-colonial state, class discussion tended to reproduce the state's justificatory narratives and to classify First Nations' claims as akin to those of any other ethnic minority. At a time when many universities are seeking to embed more Indigenous content within curriculum, we reflect on how the activity revealed epistemic colonialism's operation within educational settings. We argue that in addition to introducing Indigenous perspectives and knowledges, it is valuable for teaching in settler-colonial states to focus critical attention onto non-Indigenous practices that reproduce systemic injustice.

The term Almajiri in Nigeria is used to describe those children or youths who left their hometowns in search for Islamic education. Unlike pre-colonial Nigeria, the Almajiri system of education flourished and recorded exceptional accomplishment in literacy and social services, but today the system is faced with a myriad of challenges with glaring abnormalities. The aim of this study was, therefore, to conduct an empirical inquiry into the problems and prospects of the integration programme in North West Geo-Political Zone, Nigeria. A total of 240 Almajiris/pupils and 60 mallams/teachers responded to questionnaires designed for the study, while 33 community leaders and school heads were interviewed. The study reveals that authorities are performing below expectations in the area of education, which hinders the achievements of quality education for Nigerian Almajiris. Shortage of qualified teachers in some schools and inadequate numbers of Almajiri integrated schools in North West Nigeria were also recorded. The researchers further discovered that the government is not consistent in its policies and programmes there were a lot of irregularities and corrupt practices in institutionalized education, including the Almajiri Integrated Programme. It is therefore, recommended that the government should be consistent in its policy and programmes for the betterment of its citizens. Authorities' approach to quality education should be centred on the eradication of corrupt practices. Almajiri Integrated Programme should be handled as introduced by president Goodluck's Administration.

This thesis examines the ways in which representations of orientalised and gendered 'others' are manipulated and deployed in the Bush Administration's 'War on Terror' discourse, enabling military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. International politics is characterised by practices of representation that, through their production of dominant regimes of 'truth' and 'knowledge', work to allow certain possibilities and actions whilst excluding or limiting others. Drawing on poststructural, postcolonial and feminist IR, this thesis identifies and challenges assumptions concerning the apparent naturalness of identities of race, gender and sex and their deployment in official 'War on Terror' discourse. This discourse utilises a range of binaries that situate the 'West' in opposition to the 'East' – for example, good/evil, civilised/barbaric, rational/irrational, progressive/backward – and involve the (re)production of mainstream understandings of 'race' and 'gender'.Using a discourse analytic approach, this thesis interrogates such representations using a critical lens based on Edward Said's concept of orientalism. In particular, it is concerned with the ways in which orientalist discourses configure gender and sexual differences, and as such the thesis begins by developing 'gendered orientalism' as the critical lens through which the discursive construction of the 'War on Terror' is unravelled. Tracing the development of US self-identity and its impact on foreign policy, the thesis then demonstrates the US' long-standing engagement with gendered orientalist discourses that shape the discursive construction of the military interventions into Afghanistan and Iraq. Analysing texts produced by the Bush Administration during the 'War on Terror' demonstrates that official representations work to legitimise intervention through the deployment of identity categories that are based on perceived differences in gender, gender roles, and sexuality and a belief that these differences are also rooted in 'race'. The hierarchical organisation of these categories, underpinned by orientalist dichotomies, lend themselves to the construction of narratives in which the US can position itself as the bringer of civilisation, democracy, equality, and security through the violence of the 'War on Terror'. Ultimately, the deployment of these gendered orientalist representations allows the 'War on Terror' and its military interventions to be constructed as unavoidable.